< Back IN MEMORIES On May 1, 2020, the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) and the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) promulgated the Interim Guidelines on Workplace Prevention and Control of Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) (“Interim Guidelines”) for the observance of businesses in their respective workplaces. BY THE LAW OFFICE OF FLORES & OFRIN Here is a quick guide on the protocols prescribed by the DTI and DOLE in order to prevent and control COVID-19 in the workplace as of May 20, 2020. DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF EMPLOYERS What should employers provide to their employees in the workplace to prevent and control COVID-19? Employers should readily provide the following items to their employees in the workplace: * Appropriate face masks for workers. Should cloth masks be used, the washable type shall be worn but additional filter material such as tissue papers inside the masks may be added. * Alcohol and sanitizers at the workplace entrance, corridors, conference rooms and areas where workers pass, and disinfectant foot bath at the entrance, if practicable. * Sufficient clean water and soap in all washrooms and toilets. Can employers deduct the costs of the face masks, alcohol, sanitizers, and similar COVID-19 paraphernalia from the salaries of their employees? * No, the employers cannot deduct the cost of face masks, alcohol, sanitizers, and other COVID-19 paraphernalia from the salaries of their employees. This is clarified in the DOLE Labor Advisory No. 18, Series of 2020, dated 16 May 2020. What should be done if an employee is suspected to have COVID-19? The following protocols shall be observed if an employee is suspected to have COVID-19: * The employee shall immediately proceed to the isolation area for attention of the clinic personnel. If necessary, transport the suspected employee to the nearest hospital. * Observe established company protocols for transport of suspected COVID-19 cases and COVID-19 testing. * The employer shall suspend work for the decontamination of the workplace. * Decontaminate the workplace with appropriate disinfectant. * Work can resume after twenty-four (24) hours. * Workers present in the work area with the suspect COVID-19 employee shall go on a 14-day home quarantine. The clinic staff shall monitor symptoms and possible next steps. If suspected COVID-19 worker has negative result, co-workers may be allowed to report back to work. What if an employee is sick or has fever, but is not suspected of having COVID-19? The employer must advise the employee to take the following prudent measures: * Stay at home and keep away from work and crowds. * Take adequate rest and plenty of fluid. * Practice personal hygiene. * Seek appropriate medical care if there is persistent fever, when difficulty in breathing starts, or when the employee becomes weak. Are employers required to conduct COVID-19 testing for all their employees? No. COVID-19 testing shall only be required for those employees who are suspected of having COVID-19. The company, at its option, may decide to implement COVID-19 testing for all its employees, but it shall first consult its employees and it shall formulate a company policy on COVID-19 testing in conformity with the Department of Health protocols. The company shall also shoulder all the expenses related to the COVID-19 testing. While some local ordinances are requiring mass testing for establishment before their operations resume, note that as of this writing, the national government is consistent with its opinion that businesses are not required to conduct a mass testing of their employees before they resume operations. Are employers required to provide shuttle services and/or accommodation in near-site location to its employees to prevent exposure to COVID-19? No. While the Interim Guidelines included these possible measures, they may be adopted only when feasible. Further, in an interview with the Department of Trade and Industry Secretary Ramon Lopez on May 16, 2020, he clarified that the employers may provide shuttle services for their employees especially since public transportation is not yet available in places under the Modified Enhanced Community Quarantine. But they are not required to do so. Are employers required to provide health insurance coverage to their employees? No. While the Interim Guidelines state that employers may enhance health insurance provisions for their workers, securing a health insurance provider to cover the medical needs of their employees is not mandatory. Are employers required to adopt alternative work arrangements? In general, employers are not required to adopt alternative work arrangements but they are encouraged to do so, if feasible and if their industries are allowed to operate under the applicable community quarantine guidelines in their respective locations. Are employers required to pay the salaries of their employees who are working under alternative work arrangements? It depends on the kind of alternative work arrangement being employed. As long as work is performed, such as in the case of a work-from-home arrangement, the employer is required to pay their employees who are rendering work. Can an employer implementing a work rotation scheme implement a “No Work, No Pay” Policy for those days when the employees are not required to render work? Yes. For those days that the employees are not in work rotation and are not required to render work, the employer may adopt the “No Work, No Pay” policy. AGREEMENT TO REDUCE WAGES AND OTHER BENEFITS Can the employer adjust the wage and other wage-related benefits of the employees in order to mitigate the economic impact of COVID-19 and the community quarantines in its business operations? Yes, the employer and the employees may agree voluntarily and in writing to temporarily adjust employees’ wage and wage-related benefits. The adjustment in wage and/or wage-related benefits shall not exceed six (6) months or the period agreed upon in the collective bargaining agreement (CBA), if any. After such period, the employer and the employees shall review their agreement and may renew the same. (Sec. 5, DOLE Labor Advisory No. 17, Series of 2020 dated May 16, 2020 and promulgated on May 18, 2020) Will these arrangements violate the rule against non-diminution of benefits? No, the restriction on diminution of benefits covers those diminutions or discontinuances done unilaterally by the employer. Adjustments pursuant to this Labor Advisory are voluntary on the part of both the employer and the employees. Furthermore, these arrangements are only temporary in nature. Can we put off payment of the holiday premium pay? Employees are still entitled to the proper holiday premium pay for regular holidays. However, Labor Advisories 13-A, and 20-2020 clarified that the payment of this premium pay for the following holidays may be deferred until such a time that the present emergency situation has been abated and the normal operations of the establishment is in place. Note, however, that establishments which are closed during these holidays are exempt from paying holiday premium. Is the employer liable to pay for the internet connection, electricity, and other utilities and expenses claimed to have been consumed by an employee under a work-from-home arrangement? No. The employer cannot be held liable for the cost of utilities of the employee especially because it is impossible to determine the exact amount spent by the employee on utilities that are wholly attributable to the work the employee has done at home. However, the employer may consider providing stipend or allowance as a form of financial assistance to the employee. TEMPORARY CLOSURE OF BUSINESS Can businesses temporarily close shop? Article 301 (formerly 286) of the Labor Code allows the temporary bona fide suspension of the operations of a business or undertaking for a period not exceeding six (6) months. Consequently, affected employees will be temporarily displaced. After this maximum period of six (6) months, however, the employer must recall the displaced employees or dismiss them properly. Otherwise, they will be deemed constructively dismissed and will be entitled to the corresponding payment of full backwages and separation pay. The paramount consideration in determining the validity of the suspension of business operation is the dire exigency of the circumstances. This will be evaluated on a case-to-case basis. What is the process for undertaking temporary suspension of business operations? The employer must first notify the proper DOLE Office having jurisdiction over the workplace 30 days prior to the implementation of the temporary closure. Concurrent notice to the employees must likewise be sent within the same 30 days. Click here to read full article for free

< Back ORMOC CITY MAYOR RICHARD GOMEZ BY LAKAMBINI BAUTISTA PHOTOGRAPHY BY RON MENDOZA GROOMING BY FLOE TAPAYAN Ormoc City Mayor Richard Gomez is out to prove that they can win the fight against drugs, corruption, and poverty For Ormoc City Mayor Richard Gomez, the road to public service was a long, rough journey full of twists and turns. In 2001, he ran under the party list, Mamamayan Ayaw sa Droga (MAD). It earned 1.52 million votes, but it was disqualified by the Supreme Court because it did not belong to or represent the so-called “marginalized” sector, the ruling said. In 2007, he ran for senator, but lost. He tried for a seat in the House of Representatives in 2010, but was disqualified due to residency issues. His wife Lucy then ran as his substitute and won. In 2013, he lost the mayoralty race to Edward Codilla by a slim margin of fewer than 3,000 votes. Finally, in the 2016 mayoralty race, he won against Liberal Party candidate Ondo Codilla. Two things can be gleaned from his story: first, there is a time and place for everything; and second, being a showbiz personality does not preclude one from becoming a qualified public servant. SHOWBIZ TO POLITICS Gomez’s foray into public service began in 1998, shortly after he got married to Lucy Torres. “I was appointed by then President Erap Estrada as a member of his Cabinet. Eventually, I created MAD and started this anti-drug campaign. At the same time, I was also a member of the national team, at doon ko nakita na if we don’t do anything, masisira talaga ang buhay ng younger generation with the proliferation of drugs. Under my office, I got to do different sports programs and projects, and I saw the effects. I realized that I can help more people through government resources,” he says. He admits that there were times when he felt frustrated—like when his partylist won but was not allowed to sit—but that only fired up his desire to do something more. “Sabi ko, even if we didn’t get to sit, I will just continue to do what I know best, which is to fight drugs and promote sports,” he adds. LEARNING THE ROPES Looking back on it now, Gomez believes that his past experiences and education have prepared him to become the mayor that Ormoc needs. “When Lucy became the congresswoman, I became her chief of staff. I was always in the district doing work,” he says. He also took three courses at UP National PROFILE College of Public Administration and Governance (UP-NCPAG), and finished his master’s degree in Business Administration.

< Back BARANGAY STO.NIÑO, QUEZON CITY FIGHTS PLASTIC POLLUTION BY TREISHA ROVERO In the ongoing fight against plastic waste, Quezon City’s Barangay Sto. Niño has become a shining example of environmental awareness and ingenuity. In the ongoing fight against plastic waste, Quezon City’s Barangay Sto. Niño has become a shining example of environmental awareness and ingenuity. By launching a program that gives fresh fish as incentive to residents in exchange for plastic waste, they not only tackled the issue of plastic pollution but also addressed the lack of food in their community. Community leaders also plan to start including rice as additional incentive with the help of donations supported by the local government. This initiative showcases the power of finding creative solutions to tackle complex problems. It is a reminder that even in the face of formidable environmental challenges, there’s always room for ingenuity and collaboration. Barangay Bagong Silangan’s creative approach conveys that communities can innovate and be involved in the fight for a cleaner, greener future.

< Back THOUGHT LEADER: ENG. ROBERT RITO JR. BY ENGR. ROBERTO RITO JR. How do you solve a problem like Metro Manila traffic? Before anything else, let us first look at some traffic management specifics. Combining several definitions from dictionaries and the internet, “traffic management” is basically the way to facilitate traffic in a safe, efficient, effective, and systematic manner. There are three major phases in traffic management: planning, implementation, and feedback mechanism, which allows you to go back and forth between planning and implementation. There are also several stages within these phases to facilitate the efficiency and effectiveness of the process. A certain stage can still be broken down into several specific activities. In addition, traffic management can be applied to land, air, or sea traffic. We will be talking about land traffic alone in this article. TRAFFIC SOLUTIONS So, what have we been doing for the past years about traffic management? From the government’s point of view, there has been a lot. Our government has been busy solving our land transport and traffic problems by fast tracking infrastructure, revamping policy, and tightening enforcement. We’ve seen rather out-of-the-box solutions that are sometimes effective. A few examples: the elevated U-turn along C5, a truck route along a school zone with the lane right beside the innermost lane, and traffic enforcers who jump in to manage traffic when a stoplight is broken (instead of providing an adaptive signaling system). Despite the efforts of the government, there seems to be no improvement. Solutions implemented only appear to make traffic worse. Traffic congestion has become like a disease; it has spread rapidly—no Thought leaders longer just affecting Metro Manila and the central business districts. And unfortunately, the cure has yet to be discovered. Traffic congestion is one hell of an inconvenience. It suppresses productivity; it promotes social stress. TRAFFIC MANAGEMENT AND COMMON SENSE It may seem that we can solve the traffic crisis with common sense, but let me tell you this: traffic management has scientific methods and processes for it to be efficient and effective. We do not implement what is planned and just take it back because it was ineffective. Common sense is following traffic rules and regulations. It is driving defensively. It is knowing how to change lanes without affecting other motorists. It is knowing which correct lane to drive on. It is knowing how to properly utilize pedestrian lanes and other infrastructure. It is considering the welfare of others, and not acting for one’s personal advantage alone. These basic, common sense examples are things that the public must know. Let this be a wake-up call to our government and the public. When dealing with public traffic—whether motorists or pedestrians—we should not compromise. We must follow the law. We must always promote safety through traffic management.

8b7fd90e-04a5-4ad4-9560-dbcd3d8d00ca < Back THEN AND NOW Then and Now. Is gossiping against the law? How about fake news? What are the limits of defamation law? BY ATTY. GILDA MIKEE D. FLORENDO AND ATTY. PIA ISABEL O. CO Due to the advent of social media, the sharing of ideas and opinions, as well as communication with other people, wherever they may be in the world, are now possible with a single click of a button. Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, YouTube, and TikTok are just a few examples of social media platforms where information may easily be created, accessed, and shared by users from around the globe. In fact, as of January 2021, reports showed that the Philippines ranked first in social media usage for the sixth year in a row, with Filipinos spending an average of 4 hours and 15 minutes online each day. At a glance, it seems that social media has brought a positive development to how we interact with one another. However, like any other tool, social media may also be used to cause harm to other people. In a matter of seconds, a person’s reputation may be affected by a single social media post, or false information may be circulated to multitudes of other people. The question now is, are these potentially harmful social media posts considered libelous and criminal, and therefore, punishable by law, or are they considered as the rightful exercise of free speech? To address this, it is first necessary to examine Philippine laws on libel, and its application in our society. Libel, slander, and defamation: Are there differences? The old Spanish Penal Code of the Philippines used the term “defamacion,” which was later translated to “libel” under the laws that succeeded it, namely: Act No. 277, or the Libel Law, and the current law on the matter, Act No. 3815, or the Revised Penal Code of the Philippines (RPC). Defamation, therefore, essentially means libel. Article 353 of the RPC defines libel as “a public and malicious imputation of a crime, or of a vice or defect, real or imaginary, or any act, omission, condition, status, or circumstance tending to cause the dishonor, discredit, or contempt of a natural or juridical person, or to blacken the memory of one who is dead.” Libel may be committed: (i) in writing (Article 355); (ii) orally, i.e., slander or oral defamation (Article 358); or (iii) through other acts, i.e., slander by deed (Article 359). From the definition, slander, whether orally or by deed, is a means of committing libel. Article 355 of the RPC Libel under Article 355 of the RPC is “committed by means of writing, printing, lithography, engraving, radio, phonograph, painting, theatrical exhibition, cinematographic exhibition, or any similar means.” If a complaint merely states “libel” as the offense charged, then the defamatory content is understood to have been made in writing. An example of this type of libel is an article published in a newspaper of general circulation to discredit, dishonor, or impute a crime or turpitude to a person. Advancements in technology have rendered some of the provisions of the RPC, such as those on libel, archaic and limited in scope. Congress thus enacted Republic Act No. 10175, or the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 (Cybercrime Law), which expanded the coverage of libel to include cyberspace, i.e., cyber libel, among others. Cyber libel under this new law is defined as “(t)he unlawful or prohibited acts of libel as defined in Article 355 of the Revised Penal Code, as amended, committed through a computer system or any other similar means which may be devised in the future.” While the Cybercrime Law is relatively new, there are already well-known cyber libel cases, such as those filed against Maria A. Ressa, the chief executive officer of Rappler, Inc. (Rappler). These cyber libel cases were filed due to alleged defamatory online news articles which were exclusively published in Rappler’s website. Article 358 of the RPC Libel that is committed by oral or spoken means is slander or oral defamation under Article 358 of the RPC. Slander or oral defamation is defined “as the speaking of base and defamatory words which tend to prejudice another in his reputation, office, trade, business or means of livelihood.” Some examples of this type of libel involve shouting in public to accuse a barangay treasurer of stealing money and check of another person, and a verbal altercation between two neighbors where the accused shouted obscenities directed at the complainant, as witnessed by other neighbors. Article 359 of the RPC Libel committed through other acts may fall under Article 359 of the RPC, which penalizes “any act not included and punished in this title (Crimes Against Honor), which shall cast dishonor, discredit or contempt upon another person.” This type of libel is also known as slander by deed. Some examples of this type of libel are: (i) a verbal confrontation that escalates to a physical confrontation where the accused chokes the complainant in front of their co-employees; (ii) verbal insults hurled at the complainant coupled by giving the complainant the “middle finger” or “dirty finger”; and (iii) two (2) spurious entries in the barangay blotter for alleged illegal possession of firearms that is used as the basis to obtain a search and seizure warrant and file a criminal case that is eventually dismissed. Is gossiping a form of libel and thus punishable by law? Yes, gossiping may be considered libel and punishable by law if the following elements under Article 353 of the RPC are present: 1. There must be an imputation of a crime, or of a vice or defect (whether real or imaginary), or any act, omission, status or circumstance. 2. The imputation must be made publicly. Notably, “(i)f the defamatory matter is not seen or heard by anyone except the defamer and the defamed, damages to character reputation cannot result since a man’s reputation is the estimate in which others hold him, and not what he himself thinks.” 3. It is malicious. 4. It is directed at a natural or juridical person, or someone dead. 5. It must tend to cause dishonor, discredit, or contempt of the offended party. Hence, publicly indulging in pure speculation or gossip, in reckless disregard of the truth, which may harm the reputation of another or an organization, may be punished by law. What is protected by free speech, and how is something determined as satirical? Case law provides that: “The scope of freedom of expression is so broad that it extends protection to nearly all forms of communication. It protects speech, print and assembly regarding secular as well as political causes, and is not confined to any particular field of human interest…. The constitutional protection is not limited to the exposition of ideas. The protection afforded free speech extends to speech or publications that are entertaining as well as instructive or informative.… all forms of media, whether print or broadcast, are entitled to the broad protection of the clause on freedom of speech and of expression.” Despite the foregoing broadness, free speech does not protect “the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or ‘fighting’ words—those which, by their very utterance, inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace. It has been well observed that such utterances are not an essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality. ‘Resort to epithets or personal abuse is not, in any proper sense, communication of information or opinion safeguarded by the Constitution, and its punishment as a criminal act would raise no question under that instrument.’” SATIRICAL MATERIALS Satire refers to a literary form that employs devices such as sarcasm, irony, and ridicule to pinpoint prevailing vices in society and is targeted to any group or individual, either from the private or government sphere. For speech to be considered as satirical, the elements of exaggeration, analogy, and other rhetorical devices must be existent. Political satire enjoys the constitutional protection on free speech. Like free speech, the protection over political satire is not absolute. Satire is a qualified or conditional privileged communication which means that although the speech may contain defamatory imputation, it would not be actionable unless made with malice or bad faith. The bounds of acceptable (political) satire are drawn by case law, as follows: • The intent of the writer to treat the published content as humorous does not matter if the language used has passed the bounds of playful jest and intensive criticism into the region of scurrilous calumniation and intemperate personalities. • While it is the right and duty of a citizen to make a complaint of any misconduct on the part of public officials which comes to his notice, such complaints should be addressed solely to some official having jurisdiction to inquire into the charges, or power to redress the grievance, or has some duty to perform or interest in connection therewith. • The defamatory remarks and comments published must pertain to the discharge of official duties and not to the private character of the public officer. • “Cyber-squatting” is punishable under the Cybercrime Law. It is the acquisition of a domain name over the Internet of a name that is identical or in any way similar with the name of a person other than the registrant. While the registrant may invoke that it is merely for satire or any other literary device, as far as the Cybercrime Law is concerned, such act is made in bad faith to mislead, destroy the reputation, or deprive others from registering the same name. How can defamation or libel be weaponized against journalists and ordinary citizens, and what is the chilling effect? The Supreme Court held that “[t]he norm does not require that a journalist guarantee the truth of what he says or publishes. But the norm does prohibit the reckless disregard of private reputation by publishing or circulating defamatory statements without any bona fide effort to ascertain their truth. This norm represents the generally accepted point of balance or adjustment between the two interests involved.” The Philippine Journalist’s Code of Ethics also requires journalists to “scrupulously report and interpret the news, taking care not to suppress essential facts nor to distort the truth by improper omission or emphasis,” and makes it his duty “to air the other side and to correct substantive errors promptly.” The foregoing are essentially the limitations, duties, or obligations of journalists, violations of which may result in a suit for libel. Defamation or libel may be weaponized against journalists, and even ordinary citizens, by alleging that a writing, more so a social media post or online news article, goes beyond the protection afforded by our laws and the Constitution. The journalist or ordinary citizen may then be subjected to a criminal trial for libel or cyber libel. While the case may be dismissed by a trial court, the journalist or ordinary citizen would have already been subjected to the rigors of a criminal trial. The possibility of prosecution may then deter journalists and ordinary citizens from publishing materials, voicing their ideas, reporting news, etc., despite these publications not being prohibited by law. Simply, defamation or libel may be wrongfully used (or abused) to incite fear among journalists and ordinary citizens, and prevent them from publishing lawful materials, in print, social media, or the like. All penal laws have an inherent chilling effect, which is the fear of possible prosecution that hangs on the heads of citizens who are minded to step beyond the boundaries of what is proper. The chilling effect is not necessarily evil, and may be necessary to allow the state to address and penalize socially harmful conduct. The chilling effect of a law, however, may be violative if the means to achieve a valid governmental purpose unnecessarily sweeps the subject broadly (i.e., overbreadth), thereby invading the area of protected freedoms. Fake news fall under libel laws, or are there only certain instances in which it may be punished? “Fake news” is false news stories, often of a sensational nature, created to be widely shared or distributed for the purpose of generating revenue, or promoting or discrediting a public figure, political movement, company, etc. It is a recent concept that emerged due to the prevalence of social media and different internet platforms for communication. Because of the concept’s infancy, there is presently limited case law on the matter. Nevertheless, the current provisions of law on libel, and cyber libel, may be applied to determine if “fake news” may or should be punished. If an online news article, or a social media post containing news material: (i) imputes a crime, vice, or defect, or any act, omission, status or circumstance against a certain person or entity; (ii) is accessible or may be viewed by the public, and not by certain persons only; (iii) is malicious; and (iv) tends to cause dishonor, discredit, or contempt of the offended party, then it may be considered libelous and punishable by law. In the libel suit filed by Senator Franklin Drilon against Manuel “Boy” P. Mejorada, the Supreme Court found that “[i]t was not necessary to establish that the publication was motivated by any malice since the articles were not privileged communication or fair comments; thus, malice is presumed. The accusatory character of the subject articles, as well as petitioner’s failure to present any proof that the statements were based on established and documented facts, negates petitioner’s claim that the articles were made in good faith.” The takeaway from this pronouncement is that if a “fake news” article is proven to have been made maliciously, then the proponent of such “fake news” may be convicted for libel. Conversely, if an accused can show that there was no malice when the “fake news” was published, he or she may be acquitted from a libel suit. Since the law is dependent on a person’s reputation and how much it was damaged, is there a difference when you defame a public figure versus an ordinary citizen? Yes, there is a difference when the target of a publication involves a public figure (government official, celebrity, etc.) versus an ordinary citizen. In the Philippines, honest criticisms on the official conduct of public officials and public figures are insulated from libel judgments. There is more leeway given to persons uttering statements against public officials vis-à-vis other private citizens. The reason for this distinction is “where the criticism is of public officials and their conduct of public business, the interest in private reputation is overborne by the larger public interest, secured by the Constitution, in the dissemination of truth.” The exception is when the public official or figure proves that the statement was made with actual malice, i.e., with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not. In that case, the publication is libelous. Afterword Our society is ever evolving, and with it, our technology is advancing. Our laws, therefore, need to be modernized to keep up with these changing times. The Cybercrime Law was passed to help bridge the gap between our laws and technology, such as the need to regulate actions done through social media platforms, online news websites, and the like. Given this development, harmful social media posts may be the subject of a legal action for cyber libel. It may be argued, however, that even without the Cybercrime Law, common sense and decency dictate that the respect and care we show to other people in person should extend to social media, for cyberspace is simply an extension of our physical world. Cyberspace, especially social media, is and should not be a blanket of anonymity or tool to attack the honor or reputation of other persons. Atty. Pia Isabel Co is a Senior Associate in Corporate Practice Group of GSE Law Firm. She sits as a member of the Board of Directors and acts as Corporate Secretary and officer of various corporations. Atty. Mikee Florendo is a Junior Associate in GSE Law Firm’s Corporate Practice Group. In law school, Mikee was an intern with the Philippine Law Journal and a member of the Philippine Law Register. BACK

< Back Making His Own Mark in Public Service BY GODFREY T. DANCEL "I showed the people that I have my own brand of leadership, my own way of serving my provincemates.” Thus says Ilocos Norte 2nd District Representative Eugenio Angelo Marcos Barba of how he has managed to become a long-serving public official. Today, Barba is an integral part of the House of Representatives, serving as chairperson of the Committee on the North Luzon Growth Quadrangle, vice chairperson of the Committee on Accounts, and member of ten other committees, including the powerful Committee on Appropriations. NO STRANGER TO PUBLIC SERVICE Barba is no stranger to public service. To start with, he comes from one of the most successful political families in the country, the Marcos clan of Ilocos Norte. His mother, the late Fortuna “Baby” Marcos Barba, is the youngest sister of the late President Ferdinand E. Marcos (FM). Incumbent President Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. is his first cousin. Barba has been in public service for three and a half decades. He served as three-term mayor of the municipality of San Nicolas, Ilocos Norte, from 1992 to 2001, after which he became a senior provincial board member, representing the 2nd District from 2001 to 2010. He then became provincial vice governor, serving from 2010 to 2019. He is presently serving his second term in Congress. While some may be quick to say that he has only relied on the public’s familiarity with his middle name in order to stay in government, Barba’s record of true public service has shown that his electoral victories have been genuine reflections of his constituents’ trust and confidence in him. His successful initiatives on various fronts, including sports, livelihood, and public safety, have clearly endeared him to the people of llocos Norte. A TRUE PUBLIC SERVANT “What inspired me to become a public servant was my upbringing,” shares Barba. “My father was a military man and my mother was a public school teacher. They showed me by example how one could help the people even in simple ways. And then, what motivated me more is that, after Kabataang Barangay, EDSA 1 happened and people were saying negative things about the kind of leadership of the Marcoses. So that motivated me to show the true kind of service that my family offers. I served as mayor of our town of San Nicolas and I showed the people, ‘This is the Marcos brand of public service.’” “I do not call myself a politician; I call myself a public servant,” he continues. Again, he points to his upbringing as a major factor that shaped his approach to public service. “We were brought up in old-school values. We were taught to value family and community.” Another factor that helped shape Barba’s leadership style was his exposure to community affairs at a young age. “I was a pioneer member of the Kabataang Barangay (KB),” he reveals. The KB was the precursor of the Sangguniang Kabataan. Established in 1975, the KB served primarily as an avenue for Filipino youth to express their views on matters that affected their communities and the whole country, and to help in ensuring the welfare of their communities. Barba’s stint as mayor could be best described as low-profile but effective. He attributes this to a piece of advice he always heard from the late President FM. “He would always tell me and my mother, ‘Keep a low profile,’” he recalls. Heeding this, Barba performed his role sans fanfare. Just as he worked silently, so did Barba not seek grandiose recognition for his contributions to his town and province’s development. “Whenever I am able to help my constituents, and I see them smile in return, I feel a sense of fulfilment as a public servant,” he shares. “I am content with hearing the people thank me for the help I was able to extend to them. When I see small children smile, when the elderly hold my hand and say ‘Thank you,’ I feel a deep sense of joy.” Such reactions, he says, are more precious than press releases announcing this or that project, or plaques stating one achievement or another. FROM THE KAPITOLYO TO BATASAN With his long history of public service, Barba was able to gain the trust and confidence of his provincemates, who elected him to Congress in 2019 by an overwhelming majority. With his extensive experience in local governance, he was named vice chairperson of the House Committee on Local Government. Barba describes the transition from local legislator to national lawmaker as uncomplicated. “My nine years as board member and nine years as vice governor prepared me well to become a member of Congress,” he shares. Having mastered the essentials of lawmaking, he felt at home in Congress from day one. “Whereas I had previously been engaged in crafting local laws for our provincemates, I then had to deal with proposed pieces of legislation for Filipinos in general.” The tedious process of national legislation, however, is something that he still has to get used to. “Unlike in local legislation where you could almost instantly see the results of your legislative efforts, crafting laws at the national level takes a lot of time, and it could take years before your bill is enacted into law, especially if it involves appropriating public funds” he shares. Despite this, Barba’s first term as congressman was marked by active involvement in the affairs of the 18th Congress. Among others, he sponsored more than 550 House measures, and was instrumental in the establishment of a Technical Education and Skills Development Authority training hub in his district. The training center is a tangible proof of his resolve to help the province’s local industries such as loomweaving, artisanal soap making, and rice coffee production. Riding on his successful first term, and banking on his clear promise that “Awan ti MaiBati (No One Left Behind)” the lawmaker’s reelection bid went smoothly, again gaining a very clear mandate. In his oath-taking, Barba described his victory as “everybody’s victory” even as he reiterated his will to push for programs that would help farmers, fisherfolk, and small businessmen have better opportunities in life. FOCUS ON SPORTS It is perhaps providential that Barba’s office at the Batasan Complex overlooks a tennis court. For one, the Ilocano congressman is a tennis enthusiast and champion of developing sports at the grassroots level. The congressman’s AMB Tennis Clinic has been instrumental in getting Ilocanos, including young kids, to pick up tennis rackets. Facilitating the tennis clinics are topnotch tennis players, including former Davis Cup participants. The sports enthusiast is also taking the same grassroots approach to promoting volleyball. He regularly holds a beach volleyball clinic for youngsters 14 to 21 years old. “I am happy to announce that our players are already being recruited by Metro Manila universities like Letran, Jose Rizal University, and Adamson,” he reveals about his AMB Beach Volleyball Clinic. The project is expected to become even better, as it has found a permanent home in the idyllic coastal towns of Currimao and Pagudpud. Promising tennis and beach volleyball clinic participants are given the chance to compete outside the province, as Barba thinks this is the best way for them to be even better athletes. “Our athletes who are based in the provinces need exposure through competitions. But then, there are no competitions in the provinces,” laments the former University of the East Varsity Tennis Team standout. “It is not enough that our athletes practice. They need to take part in competitions.” The annual AMB Beach Volleyball Tournament, meanwhile, has become an avenue for Ilocos Norte’s volleyball players to show their skills. Describing the tournament as more than a sports meet, Barba thinks of it as an inspiration for the youth to do their best and prove themselves worthy of stepping up to the professional leagues. The success of the AMB sports clinics has inspired Barba to seek to institutionalize a comprehensive sports program in the province. Together with Ilocos Norte 1st District Representative Sandro Marcos, he filed House Bill 6412, otherwise known as the INSPIRE Bill. The bill seeks to establish a sports academy in Ilocos Norte to be known as the Ilocos Norte Sports Institute and Research, which shall focus on implementing a special program for sports, focusing mainly on an “enhanced secondary education program with a curriculum specially designed for student-athletes.” The facility will have modern “sports facilities which are at par with international standards.” Meanwhile, the project’s research and development component will focus on sports medicine, sports rehabilitation, and athletes’ nutrition. The multi-pronged approach seeks to ensure a holistic approach to the development of student-athletes who are expected “to excel in sports, compete in local and international sports competitions, and eventually pursue their chosen career or profession.” IMPROVING AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES Remaining true to his promise of pushing for the welfare of farmers and fisherfolk, Barba refiled the proposed Young Farmers and Fisherfolk’s Challenge Act. The bill “seeks to establish a Young Farmers and Fisherfolk’s Challenge Program that shall support and empower young farmers and fisherfolk to be active partners in food security and agricultural development and modernization.” The program is meant to ensure that farmers and fisherfolk become the government’s active partners in formulating policies and implementing programs related to their sector. It is also expected to enable the government to help young Filipinos to become agrientrepreneurs. The Young Farmers and Fisherfolk Council, which the bill also seeks to create, will be in charge of tasks such as ensuring access to capacity-building and livelihood programs; monitoring best practices in agriculture such as smart farming and farm tourism; proposing agriculture and agribusinessrelated subjects to be taught at the basic education level; and ensuring access to scholarships and financial grants for young farmers and fisherfolk studying in state colleges and universities. Meanwhile, Ilocos Norte being an agricultural province, Barba has made it part of his priority to help Ilocano farmers. For this, he emphasizes the need for synchronized efforts among elected officials and leaders of concerned government agencies. For instance, he laments how the use of water pumps distributed by his office will not be maximized unless the National Irrigation Authority is able to ensure the steady supply of water for irrigation in the province. HELPING ENSURE A HEALTHY ECOLOGY Barba’s House Bill 2412, meanwhile, is part of his efforts to ensure a balanced and healthy ecology. The proposed Rainwater Harvesting Facility Act seeks, among others, to establish “facilities to reduce flooding and the devastating effects of typhoons and other weather disturbances,” as well as “encourage the active participation of the public and private sectors in the flood mitigation efforts and initiatives of the government.” These facilities basically harvest rainwater and delay the release of such into drainage systems and natural waterways. Once the bill is enacted into law, new residential, institutional, and commercial development projects with an area of at least 1,500 square meters shall allot at least three percent of the project’s total area as rainwater harvesting facility. Aside from helping prevent flooding, the proposed measure, Barba says, will greatly help in conserving potable water. It will provide building occupants with water that they can use for flushing toilets, watering plants, and air-cooling measures. SUPPORT FOR AND FROM YOUNGER LEADERS With his extensive experience in governance, Barba has served as an inspiration and source of wisdom for younger leaders in the province. Foremost among these are 1st District Representative Sandro Marcos and Governor Matthew Marcos Manotoc. “It is heartening that they seek my counsel,” he says. “We talk about projects for the continued development of Ilocos Norte every chance we get.” He cites their rallying call, MASWIN—Matthew, Angelo, Sandro, Whole of Ilocos Norte— which encapsulates their resolve to work as one in serving their constituents. Barba, most importantly, has shown not only his nephews but also other young leaders in his province how it is to be one with the people. “I am a friend to all, an enemy to none,” he declares. “I have no enemies. I can walk from our house to the public market without a bodyguard; from our house to the tennis court [near the municipal hall] without a bodyguard.” LOOKING BACK, LOOKING FORWARD Keeping in mind his election promise, Barba has pledged to continue pushing for his bills and projects meant to improve Ilocos Norte’s agriculture and tourism sectors. Looking forward, he envisions a revitalized Metro Ilocos Norte Council, the central authority tasked to supervise the implementation of a unified development plan in the province’s growth areas, particularly the cities of Laoag and Batac, and adjacent municipalities of San Nicolas, Sarrat, Paoay, and Bacarra. Launched by incumbent Senator Imee Marcos when she was Ilocos Norte governor, the body is tasked with implementing programs on housing; waste disposal and management; water supply management; transport and traffic management; and promotion of tourism in the aforementioned areas. As Barba looks back at the years when being part of the Marcos clan meant being a constant target of ridicule and political persecution, he thanks the handful of true friends who stood by him. He thanks, more than anyone else, his townmates and provincemates who gave him a chance to prove his worth as a leader. Having spent three terms each as mayor, provincial board member, and vice governor, Congressman Angelo Marcos Barba is unequivocal in his desire to continue making a mark in the history of Ilocos Norte and in the hearts of his provincemates.

< Back Investing in Education Congressman Greg Gasataya’s vision: every family in Bacolod should have a college graduate. INTERVIEW BY MARCO NICANOR PHOTOGRAPHS BY RICKY LADIA Coming from a humble family and bestowed with the opportunity of a proper education by the government, Congressman Greg Gasataya is out on a mission to pay it forward and envisions that every Filipino family should have a college graduate in their midst. He represents the lone district of Bacolod City, which garnered the top spot in Visayas with the highest competitive index among highly urbanized cities, and placed 8th overall in the country, besting even many other cities from the National Capital Region (NCR). Let’s get to know the honorable congressman up-close in this Q&A: 1 . How did you get into politics? I am a very simple and ordinary person. I came from a very small family in Bacolod. My father was a driver and my mother was a teacher, but she resigned from teaching and worked full-time at the church. We grew up on a hand-to-mouth way of life. I used to sell bottles, goodies, just to have additional income. We were renting a small place. Basically, galing sa mahirap na pamumuhay. Probably because of the opportunity given to me to study and get a degree, a lot of things happened to my life. Before politics, I worked as a broadcast journalist for eight years at a radio station in Bacolod. I used to handle the primetime programs. Come to think of it, we are not a family of politicians. It never entered even my wildest dreams that I would join politics. In 2001, I was given the opportunity to run as councilor. Out of 69, I landed number 10. I handled the committee on transportation as a tribute to the profession of my dad. In 2004 and 2007, I was already the number one councilor and I handled the committee on education. I took a break from politics in 2010, but I worked as director of Bacolod City Water District. In 2013, the Party asked me to run for Vice Mayor. I was very hesitant because I was away from politics for a couple of years, but by God’s grace, I was given another opportunity to serve. In 2015, the mayor was suspended, so I was the acting mayor for three months. And in the last elections, I ran and got elected as the congressman in the lone district of Bacolod. 2. What is your leadership style? Why do you think you are effective as a leader? Nakikinig ako (I listen). Every person that we meet has a story to tell, has opinions, and has inputs, so I like to listen and know what they have to say. I don’t like it to be too formal. You can just approach me anytime and anywhere. That is my style of leadership, probably because of my experiences from the grassroots; I prefer that people can easily talk to me. My advocacies and my policies come from these conversations. Click here to read full article for free

< Back BARANGAY OLD BALARA IN QC LAUNCHES URBAN FARM These LGUs prove that there is always much more you can do to help your people. Photo courtesy of QC Government Facebook Page. Quezon City (QC) Mayor Joy Belmonte and Barangay OldBalara Chairman Allan Franza, together with District 3Action Officer Atty. Tommy De Castro, Public EmploymentService Office (PESO) Head Rogelio Reyes, and Tina Perez, whois assigned to the project, launched the biggest urban farm in thecity’s 3rd district. The said project is the 347th urban garden opened in thecity, under the project named ‘The Joy of Urban Farming.’Along with the urban farm launched that day is the Sitio PayongBackyard Fishpond. QC’s urban gardening project is one of the initiatives to helpthe city achieve its aim of being a self-reliant local governmentunit (LGU) by attaining food security. Once the plants are readyfor harvest, they may be used as ingredients for the city’s feedingprograms. The said urban farm will serve as the demo farm that the residentscan visit if they are interested in starting their own urban garden.Restaurants may also source fruits and vegetables from this garden. According to the QC government’s Facebook page, this project is alsoa big step in mitigating the effects of climate change. Belmonte started ‘The Joy of Urban Farming’ in 2010 when she wasstill a vice mayor, however was faced with the challenge of changing themindset that farming is not suitable for cities. The local chief executivesaid that anyone can start at least a vertical garden in their own spaces. It was launched through a 750-meter square area around therestaurant chains in Quezon City Memorial Circle but now, the city hasover 300 urban gardens located in barangays, parishes, daycare centersand non-government(NGO) owned spacesin the cityThe Departmentof Agriculture(DA), Departmentof Environmentand NaturalResources (DENR),Department ofEducation (DepEd),Allied BotanicalCorporation(ABC), and variousnon-governmentorganizations(NGOs) are thepartners of QCgovernment for thisproject.

< Back Breaking the Cycle of Violence BY PROF. HERMAN KRAFT October 7, 2023 will be on record as one of those days when violence in the Middle East once again threatened to inflict itself on the rest of the world. The brutal attack by Hamas on Israeli settlements and other locations bordering the Gaza Strip led to an even more ferocious response from Israel on Palestinian communities in the strip. Body counts which equate the taking of more than 200 hostages and the deaths of around 1400 Israelis and over 100 foreigners against the November 1 count of more 7500 Palestinians killed and the tens of thousands injured and displaced in the Israeli retribution doesn’t make the wherefores of the issue any clearer. Complicating sentiments further closer to home, four Filipinos have been confirmed as fatalities in the ongoing conflict with a few hundred needing repatriation from Gaza and Israel. International public sympathy has swung heavily between horror at the cruelty of the Hamas attack and distress over the emerging humanitarian disaster resulting from the Israeli reaction. The latter has seen a backlash against Israel and led to attacks against Jewish communities all over the world. There is a growing call internationally for an immediate ceasefire, for Israel to stop its airstrikes and ground attack against Gaza, and for Hamas to release at once without preconditions the hundreds of hostages it still holds. Even in the unlikely event that both parties, the Israeli government and Hamas, accede to this demand, it still begs the question of what happens after—is there going to be any way forward for a resolution to this long-standing conflict? ACT OF TERROR OR ACT OF SELF-DEFENSE? The Israeli representation of this latest outbreak of violence revolves precisely around that—that it was a surprise attack by Hamas against unprepared and non-combatant targets. Emphasizing the gruesomeness of the attack by highlighting the act of killing and method of killing of women, children, and old people in settlements along the border, and those attending a music festival including a number of foreigners, Israel sought to not only paint Hamas as the aggressor but that this was an act of terror intended to pressure Israel into releasing Hamas activists and fighters currently incarcerated in Israeli jails. It was also intended to expose the vulnerability of Israelis and the weakness of the government in providing protection to Israel’s people. The counter-narrative, however, is that this was an act of self-defense by an oppressed people. Hamas claims that it was acting on behalf of the Palestinian people whose land had been occupied by Israel for nearly eighty years. Squeezed into enclaves in the Gaza Strip and in ever-shrinking territories in the West Bank, the Palestinians and those that support them have noted that their condition and destiny is controlled by Israel which imposes strict restrictions on the Palestinians. The demand of course is for the establishment of a separate Palestinian state. As with any political question, however, the answer cannot be this simple. More so as this involves the Middle East where history, religion, and geopolitics meet. The October 7 attack is only the latest episode in a history of conflict that goes beyond simple religious and ethnic differences. The idea of Palestine being divided between a Jewish and an Arab state goes back to United Nations (UN) Resolution 181 (II) adopted by the UN General Assembly on November 29, 1947. This resolution authorized the establishment of a Jewish and Arab state in the territory covered by the British Mandate for Palestine. The rejection of the resolution by the Arab communities in Palestine and the Arab states that supported them and the eventual establishment of a Jewish state in 1948 led to the first of the armed conflicts involving Arabs and Israel of which the October 7 attack is just the most recent iteration. Over the years, this conflict has involved wars between Israel and its neighboring Arab states, guerilla groups engaged in hit and run attacks which eventually morphed into terrorist attacks, and uprisings in Palestinian communities against the presence of Israel Defense Forces among them. These attacks do not present a very good picture of the Palestinians especially as the attacks by the armed groups that claim to be fighting for them are brutal in their execution and indiscriminate in who are targeted. At the same time, however, the Israelis do not do themselves any favors as their response to these attacks have tended to be disproportionate and equally indiscriminate in who is harmed. More importantly, the Israeli government’s general treatment of the Palestinians has been severely lacking in consideration for their overall condition as the difference in living standards between the Palestinian communities and Israel indicates. Of greater consequence for future discussions, allowing (even encouraging) the expansion of Jewish settlements into what is understood to be Arab areas raises questions about the credibility of Israel as a partner in a political solution to the problem. A SOLUTION WAITING TO BE IMPLEMENTED The continuing cycle of violence needs to be broken; but the distrust and hatred that it has generated and regenerated makes it difficult to find a path towards breaking this cycle. The two-state solution which was the fundamental idea behind UN Resolution 181 remains the primary formula towards a political resolution to the issue. It is, however, also the principal problem in seeking that political resolution that will end the conflict. An essential part of the basic formula set in UN Resolution 181 is the existence of two states. A key component of the Arab rejection of the resolution is the non-acceptance of the right of a state of Israel to exist in Palestine. Since then, recognition of this right and of Israel has been a key component of the agreements signed between Israel and those Arab countries it has entered into peace treaties with and eventually those peace treaties it will sign in the future. The oldest of these is the Camp David Accords signed between Israel and Egypt brokered by the United States in 1978. It eventually contributed to the assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, but the peace he arranged with Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin remains in place to date. The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) eventually also signed with Israel the Oslo Accords of 1993 and 1995 that on paper included recognition of Israel by the PLO and the recognition by Israel of the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people and its partner in bilateral negotiations. While the Oslo Accords did not in and of itself establish a Palestinian state, it started the process with the establishment of the Palestinian Authority which would exercise limited self-government over the West Bank and Gaza. It was understood that the process of establishing a separate Palestinian state would involve negotiations with Israel over borders, the status of Jerusalem, and the right of return of Palestinians. Unlike the Camp David Accords, however, the terms and expectations of the Oslo Accords were never fully implemented and achieved. There was widespread opposition within the Arab communities, particularly among Palestinians, to the Oslo Accords. A key element of this opposition was the recognition of Israel. In fact, the emergence and popularity of Hamas stemmed from its rejection of Israel’s right to exist and its willingness to continue armed resistance against Israel and the status quo. Arab chants of “from the river to the sea” show that the intention to eradicate Israel is still alive and strong. On the other hand, neither was there ringing support for the Oslo Accords among Israelis, particularly those intent on pursuing the Zionist aspiration of building an Israel that would encompass the whole of Palestine territorially. Yitzhak Rabin, who was Prime Minister of Israel at the time of the signing of the Oslo Accords, was assassinated in 1995 by a rightwing Israeli extremist a few months after signing its second and final part. There is already a state of Israel and the territory it encompasses is vastly larger than what was originally intended in UN Resolution 181. A Palestinian state is yet to be established and the territory it would encompass is shrinking as Israel’s military victories gain it more territory to occupy. The rejection by the Arabs of UN Resolution 181 in 1947 and the subsequent war and wars basically took the territorial formula it proposed off the table. IT’S COMPLICATED Would Israel be willing to give up territory even if it helps to guarantee peace? Would the Palestinians be willing to guarantee peace in exchange for the cession of territory? And even if some pathway towards the establishment of a Palestinian state could be found, there would remain other sources of resentment that would continue to fuel conflict. Arguably, Israel’s economy is what keeps the Palestinian communities viable to the extent they are—a dependence that would be unsustainable in a two-state set up, and would continue Israel’s dominance of the Palestinian people. And then, there is the geopolitical angle that needs to be factored in. Nonetheless, any pathway to lasting peace requires an end to the violence that has been feeding the mutual hate and distrust. Given the latest outbreak of fighting and the numbers of noncombatants killed, injured, or taken hostage, this is not going to happen in the near future. If it had a Facebook profile, this conflict’s status would be “it’s complicated.”

< Back THINKING BIG Congressman DV Savellano on his vision for a strong and economically robust Northern Philippines, and maintaining a HEALTHY district. BY ALFREDO G. GABOT Congressman Deogracias Victor Barbers Savellano of the First District of Ilocos Sur is no stranger to politics and public service. His dream of a better town and province started to take root in 1981 when he was elected vice mayor of his hometown of Cabugao at the young age of 22. He served as vice mayor until 1987 and was dubbed the “rising star” of Ilocos Sur politics. And this he proved as he slowly rose to become provincial board member, vice governor, governor, and now a member of the House of Representatives. The Ilocos Sur solon shares that it was his late father, Atty. Victorino Ancheta Savellano, who inspired him to enter politics and serve the people. The elder Sevillano served as mayor of Cabugao, Ilocos Sur from 1959 to 1968. “I grew up seeing people with smiles on their faces as they leave our house with satisfied hearts because they got the service they wanted,” he recalls. When he won as vice mayor, Savellano’s father had not yet warmed his seat as a commissioner of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). The latter was appointed to the post in 1980, only a few months before the 1981 elections. Three years later, he was promoted by President Ferdinand Marcos to head the COMELEC. The young Savellano, however, made it clear that his father never influenced his election to various posts, winning them on his own merits and qualifications. Even today at 59, and married to actress and businesswoman Dina Bonnevie, Congressman Savellano is seeking reelection banking on his own achievements and projects as a lawmaker and nothing else. But he does not fail to acknowledge his political mentor, former Ilocos Sur congressman and governor Luis “Chavit” Singson. LEADERSHIP AND LEGISLATION As a legislator, Congressman Savellano has authored, co-authored, sponsored, and cosponsored many bills and resolutions. One of his favorites is House Bill 4995, which envisions a strong and economically robust Northern Philippines. The bill seeks to create the Northern Luzon Growth Quadrangle Development Authority whose primary objective is to enhance and synchronize socioeconomic development of three regions—Ilocos Region, the Cordilleras, and Cagayan Valley. Alongside this is the bill seeking conversion of the historic Salomague Bay in Cabugao, which has a port and is near an airport, as a special economic zone. Savellano says the three regions need a coordinating agency such as the proposed authority if they are to be developed together under a common framework of integrated and sustainable development and effectively mobilize people in improving local industries. “By increasing trade, tourism and investments, encouraging private enterprise, generating jobs, developing infrastructure, and advancing efforts toward peace and expansion, the region will bloom faster,” he explains. Savellano points out that the House Special Committee on North Luzon Growth Quadrangle has been discussing the economic integration of the three regions—CAR, Region I, and Region II. “If developed together under the framework of integrated and sustainable development, North Luzon could avail of economies of scale and a viable network that will enhance synergistic and complementary development,” he adds. “Without a government body yet to oversee such integrated development, I ensure that the Committee on North Luzon Growth Quadrangle serves as a venue where all the NL legislators practice/enforce oversight function in our respective districts in terms of program and project implementation by all line agencies,” he says. “My committee holds weekly meetings/ hearings whenever possible to address concerns involving the various line agencies. To ensure prompt remedies and resolutions, department secretaries or at least the undersecretaries are usually invited to the said meetings.” In fact, the House Special Committee on North Luzon Growth Quadrangle chaired by Rep. Maximo Dalog (Lone District, Mountain Province) and Committee on Government Enterprises and Privatization chaired by Rep. Mark Go (Lone District, Baguio City) have jointly approved the proposal to create the Northern Luzon Growth Quadrangle Development Authority but the bill, due to time constraints, has not yet hurdled the plenary as a whole. The delay in the approval of the bill has not discouraged Savellano. In fact, he looks at it as a chance to improve the measure which he will pursue again in the next Congress. This is one of his battlecries for his reelection campaign. PROGRESS THROUGH CULTURAL PRESERVATION While he speaks about development of a bigger region with lots of potentials, Savellano has made the needs of his home province of Ilocos Sur and its people his top priority. While awaiting for his dream of a North Luzon Growth Quadrangle to be realized, the congressman has pursued with the national government, through the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH), the construction of roads and other infrastructure in Ilocos Sur. “The DPWH has already started the construction of the coastal road that will connect the Salomague Port to Vigan Airport,” he informs LEAGUE. “This will facilitate an easier travel for the tourists and entice investors to bring in businesses to the province. The Cabugao, Ilocos Sur-Nueva Era, Ilocos Norte road project, connecting the province of Abra, will also bring in economic activities that will benefit the municipalities along the project.” To further boost tourism, Savellano also helped negotiate for more cruise ships to include Ilocos Sur in their itineraries. The province is famous for its many tourist and cultural heritage sites such as Vigan City, Baluarte Resort and Mini Zoo, as well as beaches and surfing sites comparable to those of Siargao, Baler, and La Union. Several cruise ships have docked at the Salomague Port in Cabugao town, which was once a famous international mariners, seafarers, and trading post for rice, tobacco, and other products. The port also served as the jumpingoff point for ships, which carried over 100 Filipino pioneers in the sugar plantations in Hawaii. Savellano admits that they are faced with the challenge of balancing modernization with the preservation of the province’s rich heritage and culture. To address this, he created the “Kannawidan Ylocos Festival” in 2008, in time for the celebration of Ilocos Sur’s independence as a province. “Kannawidan” aims to preserve and promote culture, traditions, practices, and beliefs that have become part of the lives of the Ilocanos. It also showcases the preservation of traditional arts, crafts, and cuisine as well as the preservation of native animals and plants that are on the brink of extinction. “In so doing, I am confident that these practices shall be carried on for the ensuing generations to appreciate and put into practice,” Savellano declares. OTHER PRIORITY CONCERNS According to Savellano, his utmost priority in the district has always been the efficient delivery of basic services to his constituents, as provided for by the constitution. “While the piece of legislation has longer gestation period to fully implement, my other functions as legislator come into fore to address some gaps in the delivery of services for the people in the 1st District of Ilocos Sur,” he says. Savellano has also been at the forefront in helping the farmers, particularly tobacco, garlic, and onion growers and fisherfolk of Ilocos Sur. “Fully aware of the challenges besetting our garlic and onion industry, I have been in constant communication with the Department of Agriculture (DA) and its attached agencies since the start of my term as congressman. In mid 2017, I came up with a proposal for DA to consider the project titled ‘Adoption of Enhanced Garlic Production System Through Cooperative-based Farm Clustering in the Province of Ilocos Sur’,” he recalls. “Moreover, I have been advocating the collective effort of DA attached agencies such as the Bureau of Agricultural Research, DA High Value Crops and Rural Credit with Agricultural Credit Policy Council (ACPC) to revive the local garlic industry. The Nueva Segovia Consortium of Cooperatives (NSCC), an umbrella organization of 156 primary cooperatives based in Ilocos Sur as the implementing partner, shall be a recipient of experts’ advice in terms of appropriate Package of Technology (POT) on garlic production.” Tobacco is almost synonymous to Ilocos Sur and so Savellano has been helping in channeling government assistance to the tobacco farmers. And he is glad to report that based on data from the National Tobacco Administration (NTA) for calendar year (CY) 2018, there were about 43 million kilos of tobacco produced in the province, which is one million kilos higher than for CY 2017. “Exports increased but deliveries to local cigarette manufacturers decreased by about 30% from 2012 figures,” he points out. “Of the total number of tobacco farmers (32,000), NTA is providing partial production assistance to about 4,000 while 28,000 are being directly financed by tobacco companies. In spite of the billions of pesos in excise tax share derived from RA 7171 for Virginia tobacco, including those for burley and native tobacco, little is extended in terms of production assistance. Most are focused on infrastructure projects. The challenge for me is to refocus our efforts in helping the tobacco industry increase its production as it fights for survival,” he admits. In the agricultural sector, he admits that although much has been done, there’s still more to do to achieve food sufficiency. “Free Irrigation has already been passed, and along with it, I was able to carry out projects like the construction of irrigation canals, distribution of irrigation pumps and other agricultural equipment, fish landing and fishports along the coastal towns, and [provision of] fishing paraphernalia, etc.,” he notes. On health services, Savellano recalls that upon his assumption to office as congressman, he outlined his development agenda for a HEALTHY District. “This embraces priority concerns on Health and social services; Education and environment; Agriculture and aqua programs; Livelihood opportunities; Tourism and trade; Heritage, culture and arts; and Youth and sports development. Initially, in order to put the agenda to work, I had to establish my strong relations with the different government agencies, and the private sector, for the much-needed funding support for the programs and projects and other material needs that will benefit the people,” he claims. He also joined hands with the Ilocos Sur Medical Society, the Department of Health, the Philippine Red Cross, the Provincial Government of Ilocos Sur, and other service providers who readily gave their support for the implementation of the KISS Project or “Kabsat Idanonmi Serbisyo Salun-at.” This project aims to improve and enhance the delivery of healthcare services to the people especially in rural communities. “My office is open for whoever is in need of assistance, whether it be educational, hospitalization, burial, and other forms of social service assistance that we can provide to ease the predicament of the people. I established a link with the Department of Health to channel funds under the Medical Assistance Program (MAP) to the different government hospitals so that we can readily help those who are hospitalized. Likewise, with the aid of the Department of Social Welfare and Development, we can also accommodate the needy people in terms of financial requirements,” he adds. Having started as a youth leader, the youth is Congressman Savellano’s main concern. He sought funds for the construction of school buildings benefitting the towns and barangays. He also supported the approval of free college education now being enjoyed by students in state colleges and universities nationwide. “We also have around 800 CHED scholars and thousands of TESDA scholars because I always believe that education will help everyone to succeed in life,” he avers. “I want to continue these big projects that I have started until the end of my allowable term,” Congress Savellano says, explaining why he is running for reelection. “In spite of the billions of pesos in excise tax share derived from RA 7171 for Virginia tobacco, including those for burley and native tobacco, little is extended in terms of production assistance... The challenge for me is to refocus our efforts in helping the tobacco industry increase its production as it fights for survival.” He acknowledges that the projects would not be realized without the support of the people. “I would not be what I am now if not for my constituents who gave their trust and support to me. I owe them my position and I am most grateful and proud because of that kind of love that I need to reciprocate. I give them my number personally (not through my staff) and keep my line open 24/7 so they could reach me whenever necessary,” he says. For someone who has made good as a public servant for more than two decades now, Congressman Savellano looks forward to at least three more years in the House of Representatives to pursue his big dreams for Ilocos Sur, Northern Philippines and the country. Click here to read full article for free