< Back The Balancing Act of Philippines-China Relations HAS CHANGE COME TO OUR FOREIGN POLICY? BY HERMAN JOSEPH S. KRAFT President Duterte campaigned with the slogan of “Change is Coming!” and a key area where this has been prominently noticeable is in foreign policy. The “pivot to China” has been seen as a sea-change in how the Philippines approaches its foreign relationships. From a focus on being a key non-NATO ally of the United States to the new country coordinator for ASEAN-China bilateral relations seems to be a complete turn-around. In reality, Philippine relations with the US remain fundamentally the same. For all the criticism (to say the least) that President Duterte has heaped on the US, the institutionalized linkages that have made it the key strategic partner of the Philippines in its international relations remain unchanged. There is more than something, however, to the idea of change in Philippine-China relations with the turn-around happening in such a short time. Seen from a historical perspective, the relationship between the two countries has HAS CHANGE COME TO OUR FOREIGN POLICY?What can the Philippines expect in its relationship with China beyond the Duterte administration?PHILIPPINE-CHINA RELATIONS: been steadily improving since the establishment of diplomatic ties between the Republic of the Philippines and the People’s Republic of China in 1975. The tendency to see the Duterte Administration’s “pivot to China” as a major shift in Philippine foreign policy is only in the context of conditions, albeit important and intense conditions, in the last 10 years regarding the West Philippine Sea. To be sure, developments regarding the disputing claims to land features (and even the waters themselves on the part of China) located there had spilled over into different aspects of the bilateral relationship between the two countries. And there were even concerns over how this might blow into a conflict involving the two great powers in the region—the US and China. Given historic trends, however, it is probably more accurate to characterize the Duterte administration’s approach as a normalization of the bilateral relations rather than a “shift.” The most noticeable foreign policy priority of President Duterte upon his accession to power was the restoration of Philippine-China relations. The difficulty lay in the fact that this had significantly deteriorated during the Aquino administration. The confrontation over Scarborough Shoal in 2012, the challenge posed to China at the 2012 ASEAN Summit, and eventually the initiation of an arbitration case against China by issuing a Notification and Statement of Claim in accordance with the dispute settlement provisions of UNCLOS, particularly under Art. 287 and Annex VII have all contributed to a situation where almost all lines for dialogue had been cut off. China had indicated, as the case prospered, that any discussion to restore Philippine-China relations would have to await the emergence of a new presidential administration. This pretty much signaled that relations with the Philippines were dead in the water as long as Aquino was at the helm of the government. At the start of his presidency, Duterte worked hard to assure China of his good intentions. Buttressed by three visits to China within the first year of his administration, he was able to turn relations with China around. A major part of this turn-around was when the decision of the arbitration court came out within a month after the accession of Duterte to the presidency. The fundamental ruling went completely against China. Despite the “win,” President Duterte decided not to bring up the Arbitral Award in its pursuit of improving relations with China. This was the key ingredient of observations of a “shift” in Philippine foreign policy towards China. President Duterte claimed that this did not mean that the Philippines was giving up on its claim but that this will be raised before his administration ends at “an appropriate time.” He explained this position by claiming that he did not want to go to war with China – an event that could only be disastrous for the Philippines. In the meantime, the Philippines would instead seek to harvest economic benefits from an improvement in relations with China.In a number of visits to Beijing and meetings with Xi Jinping between 2016 and 2018, Duterte was able to secure Chinese goodwill and promises of investments and loans of up to US$24 billion. In late February 2018, President Duterte was quoted as explaining cooperation between the Philippines and China on jointly sharing in the resources of waters surrounding the disputed features in the South China Sea as similar to “co-ownership.” While his spokesperson explained this away as a simplification of a more complex notion of joint development, it raised the hackles of critics of the President’s policies regarding the South China Sea. The statement, however, illustrates the attitude of President Duterte and the policies that guided his approach to the issue. At the same time, China’s own policies moved towards favoring the Philippines. In February 2018, the two leaders agreed to set up a joint panel to draft a framework agreement on exploring oil and gas in the South China Sea. At the turn-over ceremonies of ASEAN in Singapore last November 2018, the Philippines was given the mantle of being the country coordinator for ASEAN-China bilateral relations. This is not a role that is driven by a rotational assignment, and would not have happened without the explicit agreement of the Chinese government. This shows how far China was willing to demonstrate its acceptance of the new relationship with the Philippines. It is, however, in the economic side that the Duterte administration has bet more fully on Philippine-China relations. The promise of the pledges of huge amounts of Chinese capital that would be invested in the Philippines is the key driver of the Duterte foreign policy of pivoting to China. With the “Build, Build, Build” economic thrust, capital is something that the Duterte administration will be needing a lot of. An initial estimate of US$180 billion is going to be needed for the highly ambitious infrastructure-driven economic strategy. Granted that this is something that needs to be done (in fact should have been done a long time ago), it is a huge undertaking, one that is certainly not going to be completed in the course of one presidential term. But it must be done, and has to be started. If it is correct to assume that the pivot to China is largely economically-driven, what has this led to? A number of changes facilitated by improvements in the Philippines’ relations with China has become evident in the last few years. Overall the trend has been modest, but steadily rising across most indicators. According to information provided by the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, there has already been an uptick in foreign direct investments from China to the Philippines. The increase seems to be cautiously restrained but the rate has been steadily going upwards. It reached nearly US $30 million at the end of 2017 from just above US $10 million in the beginning of 2016. Tourist arrivals have also been going up since 2016. The Department of Tourism has reported that the volume of tourist arrivals from China in 2018 increased by 42%. In fact, the number of Chinese tourists to the Philippines had passed tourist arrivals from the US. This leap in numbers is attributed to the improved ties between the Philippines and China, the addition of air routes, and the Visa Upon Arrival (VUA) option for Chinese nationals. Others, however, point to the increase in the number of Chinese nationals that have been given permission to work in the Philippines – an issue raised by Senator Franklin Drilon, among others.Likewise, there has been a mild increase in trade relations between the two countries. Between April 2017 and April 2018, there was a 34% increase in the volume of trade between China and the Philippines. A significant part of this, however, was accounted for by a huge surge in imports to the Philippines from China. Over the same period of time, the trade imbalance between the two countries has been growing significantly in China’s favor. Overall, the fulfillment of the expectations of China’s involvement in the economic programs of the Philippines has been less than impressive. Japan and Korea retain a much larger share of investments to the Philippines compared to China. China has surged in ranking as a trade partner of the Philippines, but this overwhelmingly favors China. There is something to be said about Duterte’s pursuit of better relations with China as the crowning consideration of his foreign policy. For all the fawning that has been done, however, the numbers are quite underwhelming. In the case of trade, it would even seem that the Philippines is becoming a dumping ground for surplus Chinese products. Perhaps it is too much to expect dramatic changes given that it has only been less than three years since President Duterte came to power, and the turn-around in relations with China. Beyond questions of numbers, we still have the unresolved issue of the Arbitral Decision and other issues related to the South China Sea. With the current good relations so connected to the personality and preferences of President Duterte, what can the Philippines expect in its relationship with China beyond the Duterte administration? Click here to read full article for free

< Back Philippine Institute of Volcanology & Seismology (PHIVOLCS) Anatomy of an Earthquake The Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (PHIVOLCS) sheds light regarding the ‘Big One’ and the importance of risk reduction and preparation in mitigating its impacts. BY MAIELLE MONTAYRE PHOTOGRAPHY BY ROMEO PERALTA, JR. When the Earth moves and the ground shakes, the tendency is often toward fear and panic. People forget what to do and run every which way. But there is more to learn about the normalcy of earthquakes, and the key toward facing this phenomenon is risk reduction and preparation. As the lead agency for this, the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (PHIVOLCS) aims to understand these events in order to enlighten the public regarding these natural phenomena. Established in 1982, PHIVOLCS is the primary agency concerned with volcanic eruption, earthquake and tsunami activity, and other geotectonic phenomena. It is a service institute under the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) mandated to ensure disaster preparedness and mitigate catastrophes resulting from volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, and tsunamis. Dr. Renato U. Solidum, the Officer- in-Charge of PHIVOLCS, has 35 years of experience with the agency. He also serves as the DOST Undersecretary (Usec.) for Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change, where he works to supervise both PHIVOLCS and the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (PAG- ASA). “The goal is to make sure that both PHIVOLCS and PAGASA are able to provide the public with the best service by having improved systems, integrated projects, and support from other government agencies. It is also our role to operationalize and transfer the technology that can be used by local government units (LGUs) and other sectors of society,” he says. MAPPING OF FAULTS Last April 22, 2019, the province of Zambales was rocked by a 6.1 magnitude earthquake, which was also strongly felt in Metro Manila.. “When the earthquake occurred, when the [geologic] fault moved beneath the mountains, it released energy. That energy travelled and that was what we felt as intensity,” Dr. Solidum explains. As one tectonic plate passes over another, they slip and bump against each other allowing energy to build up. When the plates move again, this energy is released along the Earth’s crust as seismic waves. The point on the surface where this occurs is called the epicenter. The measure of seismic energy released from the source of an earthquake is called the magnitude, measured by the Richter magnitude scale. It measures the strength or “size” of an earthquake. On the other hand, the severity of the shaking caused by an earthquake, with particular regard to property and human destruction, is called the intensity. Thus, for the 6.1 magnitude earthquake with the epicenter in Zambales last April 22, 2019, the intensity in Manila was around 4 to 5. In areas nearer the epicenter, the intensity was around 6 to 7 with many structures damaged in the neighboring province of Pampanga.

< Back Reskilling the Filipino As the agency marks its 25th anniversary, TESDA Director General Isidro Lapeña talks about his leadership mandate and strategies for developing a world-class workforce. BY MARCO NICANOR PHOTOGRAPHY BY JAR CONCENGCO The Technical Education and Skills Development Authority (TESDA) is celebrating its 25th year since its inception through RA 7796 in 1994. More than ever, TESDA needs a firm and strong leadership in empowering the Filipino labor force with adequate skills training to be globally competitive and achieve social equity with reduced poverty. Secretary Isidro Lapeña is the man tasked by the President to get this job done. The director-general has been part of President Rodrigo Duterte’s trusted circle and dependable ally to his promise of getting back the trust of the people in the government by ridding it of corruption and inefficiencies. When President Duterte assumed office in 2016, Lapeña was already almost a decade retired from service after having served as the Deputy Director General of the Philippine National Police (PNP). But when he was called back to duty by the President, he answered. Lapeña was initially named as the Chief of the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA), and later assigned as the Commissioner of the Bureau of Customs (BOC) where he set record-breaking revenue collections by cleaning house and instilling discipline and ridding the bureau of corruption and inefficiencies. And now, the veteran public servant is at the helm of the country’s authority for technicalvocational education and training (TVET). ABOT LAHAT Since assuming the position as the Director General of TESDA, Secretary Lapeña has instilled a new slogan for the agency: “TESDA ABOT LAHAT.” He shares that he wants everyone in TESDA and its affiliates to imbibe this battle cry and have the mindset of reaching out to everywhere and everyone who needs skills training. Click here to read full article for free

< Back DILG Culminates Orientation for Newly Elected Officials DILG CULMINATES ORIENTATION FOR NEWLY ELECTED OFFICIALS DILG Secretary Eduardo M. Año addressing the newly elected city mayors. BY HELEN HERNANE Recognizing the important role of local executives in achieving national development, the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) recently held the NEO (Newly Elected Officials) Program for city mayors. Held at the Century Park Hotel in Manila from July 10 to 12, the orientation course for city mayors is part of the program to capacitate newly elected local government officials for their administrative and governance responsibilities. The NEO program is “a continuing intervention of the DILG through the Local Government Academy (LGA) in its commitment to provide a harmonized and holistic capacity development delivery mechanism for local governments all over the country.” Starting from their assumption of office this July 2019 until the end of their three-year terms by 2022, the NEO Program aims to prepare officials to meet the needs of their local government units. The 2019 phase of the program consists of five components: 1) Ensuring Smooth Transition. This covers proper turnover of documents and a discussion on the current state of the LGU. 2) Jumpstarting Local Governance. Starting with the NEO Orientation, this component includes developing the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of government. Lastly, it also includes NEO Online, an online platform containing various modules on health and education governance, urban development, environmental management, etc. 3) Creating the Roadmap for LGU Development. The third part aims to steer the LGUs toward more inclusive, resilient, and sustainable development. 4) Sharpening the Competencies of LGU Officials and Staff. This component involves not only elected LGU officials but also their staff and other individuals that are critical to the LGU. 5) LGU Performance Management. Focusing on the performance assessment of the LGUs, the final component of the 2019 program will be initiated and managed by the Bureau of Local Government Supervision (BLGS) with the DILG Regional Offices.

CONCEPCION TABLE OF CONTENTS DOWNLOAD FULL ISSUE HERE FOR FREE! FEATURES ASEC. KRIS ABLAN Sending a Message READ MORE FEATURES COUNCILOR RAISSA LAUREL-SUBIJANO Life with No Limits READ MORE FEATURES THE HEROES OF MARAWI Courage at the Front Line READ MORE REGULARS ROUND UP READ MORE REGULARS BARANGAY FORUM READ MORE REGULARS SPOTLIGHT Food for the Holidays READ MORE REGULARS CALENDAR OF EVENTS READ MORE REGULARS SECOND IN COMMAND: Vice President Leni Robredo READ MORE REGULARS FINANCE & ECONOMY Decoding IRA READ MORE REGULARS SOLUTIONS & INNOVATION: Green Antz READ MORE REGULARS SOLUTIONS & INNVATION: Waste to Energy READ MORE GOVERNANCE IN REVIEW COVER: VICE MAYOR JOY BELMONTE The Next Step READ MORE GOVERNANCE IN REVIEW BRGY. BEL-AIR The Value of Progress READ MORE GOVERNANCE IN REVIEW LAPU-LAPU, CEBU Historic Resort City READ MORE GOVERNANCE IN REVIEW ANGONO, RIZAL Art & Soul READ MORE GOVERNANCE IN REVIEW PAMPANGA The Spirit of Christmas READ MORE

< Back One Road, One Belt Initiative Where do the “Build, Build, Build” and Duterte’s China Policy meet? Prof. Herman Joseph S. Kraft breaks it down for us In late 2013, Chinese leader Xi Jinping announced the launch of the “One Belt, One Road” Initiative (OBOR), an ambitious program designed to connect Europe, Africa, and the Asia-Pacific through infrastructure projects powered by Chinese capital, technology, and management. The cost was estimated at a staggering US$4-8 trillion, involving construction work in more than 60 countries comprising up to 60% of the world’s population, and up to 40% of the world’s GDP. In 2017, the whole undertaking was renamed the “Belt and Road” Initiative (BRI). Its scope initially covered countries along the historic “Silk Road” route between China and Europe, and those along a maritime passageway between China through the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean to Africa. At the time when the OBOR was renamed into the BRI, its geographic scope was extended to the South Pacific. China has claimed that the purpose behind the BRI goes beyond merely seeking an advantage for China’s economy and Chinese business, emphasizing that as an undertaking it seeks to ensure mutual prosperity in an environment of economic harmony and cooperation. Since its inception, a number of infrastructure projects lay the foundations of what Xi Jinping had described as the “biggest market in the world with unparalleled potential.” An understanding to cooperate on the construction of a railway across Europe and Asia was reached with Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2014. US$46 billion is being invested by China on multiple energy and infrastructure projects along a designated China-Pakistan Economic Corridor connecting Gwadar Port in Pakistan to Kashgar in China. Pakistan has been one of the strongest supporters of the BRI, and, strategically, has become one of China’s most important strategic partners. In Kazakhstan, trade in goods is projected to be facilitated by a new transit railway along the route of the ancient silk road. The maritime component of the BRI is projected to involve a number of littoral states along the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. At the inception of the BRI, China was able to get the commitment of the Maldives towards enhancing marine, economic, and security cooperation. The vagueness of the understanding with the Maldives is characteristic of the design of the BRI. China has always emphasized that the projects would be agreed upon by China and by its partners, but for the most part would be based on what its partners indicate as projects that best respond to what they need. The opportunities provided by the BRI are being explored enthusiastically by the Duterte administration in pursuit of its own agenda in the Philippines. The Duterte administration has embraced the BRI with a lot of gusto. China has been identified as a key component, in the words of the President himself an “important ingredient” in his own massive infrastructure development program for the Philippines. Referred to as the “Build, Build, Build” (BBB) program, this is a US$180 billion commitment to rehabilitating the infrastructure of the Philippines in those areas where it exists, and building it where it does not. It is the foundation of the Duterte administration’s economic development program. The growth spurt in recent years of the Philippine economy creates the impression that the country has turned the corner as far as sustained economic growth is concerned.

< Back " INDEPENDENCE FOR WHOM?" BY TREISHA C. ROVERO E very year on June 12, the Philippine flag is raised high in celebration of independence. Streets are adorned with patriotic colors, trivia posts from different social media platforms resurface and speeches glorify the heroes who fought for the country’s liberation from centuries of colonial rule. But amid all the nationalistic pride, a crucial question is often ignored: independence for whom? For millions of indigenous peoples across the archipelago—from the Aetas of Luzon to the Lumads of Mindanao—freedom remains a complicated, often incomplete promise. The term Lumad, while often associated with Mindanao’s 18 non-Muslim indigenous groups, symbolizes a broader narrative shared by many indigenous communities across the Philippines. From the mountainous terrains of Northern Luzon to the rainforests of Southern Mindanao, these groups have resisted external control for centuries—long before the Spanish, Americans, and Japanese even set foot on the islands. In Luzon, the Aetas of Mt. Pinatubo, known for their deep spiritual and cultural connection to the land, have long endured displacement. After the catastrophic 1991 eruption of Mt. Pinatubo, thousands of Aeta families were forced into poorly designed resettlement sites that ignored their traditional way of life. These areas lacked access to livelihood and potable water. Worse still, many of their former lands were reclassified as military zones or turned over for commercial and tourism purposes when they tried to come back. Ancestral forests became military training grounds and sacred spaces became eco-parks. In 2021, Aeta families in Capas, Tarlac were evicted from their land to give way to a military reservation for the New Clark City project. They were told they had no legal claim, even though they had lived there long before maps and titles existed. Meanwhile, in Mindanao, the Lumads continue to face militarization, red-tagging, and displacement. Under the guise of “counter-insurgency,” entire communities have been labeled as communist sympathizers, despite their main demand being the right to live peacefully on their land. Since 2017, over 700 indigenous schools have been shut down, accused of radicalizing youth often without credible evidence. In 2020, the Save Our Schools Network reported that thousands of Lumad children were deprived of education as a result of these closures. Teachers and tribal leaders were harassed or arrested. In some cases, military forces occupied school grounds and community centers. In Bukidnon, the Talaandig people continue to protest the entry of logging companies that strip forests bare without consent. In Surigao del Sur, the Manobo have been repeatedly driven from their communities by armed groups allegedly linked to powerful f igures. WHAT DID NOT END IN 1898 Though the Philippines formally gained independence in 1898, colonial structures never truly disappeared—they simply changed hands. What replaced Spanish and American rule was a system dominated by national elites, powerful landlords, and economic interests who saw indigenous lands as resources to be extracted rather than homes to be protected. In the decades following independence, indigenous peoples like the Aetas and the Lumads faced militarization, discrimination, and displacement. During the Martial Law period, ancestral lands became zones of military operations and “development” projects. The Chico River Dam project in the Cordilleras and logging concessions in Mindanao led to protests, assassinations, and the militarization of entire communities. Mining applications continue to cover vast tracts of ancestral domains. In the CARAGA region alone, over 60 percent of mining tenements overlap with Lumad territories. These ventures promise jobs and revenue but often leave behind contaminated rivers and barren forests. While the mainstream narrative celebrates June 12 as a triumph of liberty, the lived experiences of indigenous peoples paint a more complex perspective. The Aetas, Lumads, Igorots, Mangyans, and other groups have not always been woven into our national idea of freedom. They are sometimes admired as “nature’s guardians,” yet rarely heard in broader conversations about sovereignty, justice, and progress. Despite centuries of displacement, indigenous peoples have never stopped resisting. They teach the next generation about forests and rivers, rituals and songs. They farm lands their ancestors walked on. They speak languages older than the country’s national anthem. In Zambales, Aeta communities are reviving their traditional healing practices and rituals. In the Cordilleras, youth are learning how to weave, chant, and defend rivers threatened by dam projects. In Mindanao, displaced Lumad students continue to learn in makeshift schools under trees and in sanctuaries, refusing to let education be taken from them. A BROADER VIEW The Philippine government has taken steps toward addressing historical injustices through laws like the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997, which recognizes ancestral domains and the rights of indigenous communities to self-determination. While implementation has faced challenges such as delays in issuing Certificates of Ancestral Domain Titles, there have also been inspiring success stories. In several provinces like Ifugao, Bukidnon, and Lanao Del Norte, local governments have partnered with indigenous leaders to map ancestral lands, preserve sacred spaces, and integrate indigenous knowledge into education and tourism efforts. The National Commission on Indigenous Peoples and local government units continue to work hand-in-hand with IP communities to promote sustainable development that respects both heritage and progress. These collaborative efforts, though still evolving, are signs of a growing awareness of the need for inclusive governance. By bringing indigenous peoples’ voices into decision-making, we pave the way for the creation of policies that reflect the diversity of our people and the richness of our cultural landscape. The common narrative of a unified post-colonial Philippines often overlooks the rich diversity of experience among many. It rarely reflects the struggles and the deep historical issues that our indigenous peoples continue to face. From the Lumad communities protecting their land, to Aeta elders watching bulldozers destroy a sacred grove, to Kalinga youth defending their river from a hydroelectric dam—they are all part of a story that doesn’t make it to the textbooks. Why are their stories not celebrated alongside that of Jose Rizal or Andres Bonifacio? Why is the defense of ancestral land not treated with the same reverence as the Battle of Tirad Pass? As we honor the legacies of our heroes, let us also acknowledge the silent strength of those who continue to protect our forests, rivers, and ancestral lands. By embracing the stories of the Lumads, Aetas, Igorots, Mangyans, and other indigenous peoples, we can begin to shape a more inclusive narrative of our nation’s history—one that honors not only those who fought in wars, but also those who have tirelessly protected the land that carries the memory and and culture of our ancestors. By recognizing them, we can be sure that the freedom we celebrate is for all Filipinos.

< Back BUILDING THE FUTURE OF SAN FERNANDO By Fraulein Olavario PHOTOGRAPHY BY ROMEO PERALTA, JR. Neophyte councilor Brenz Gonzales seeks to build a concrete foundation for the City of San Fernando’s progress. From supervising the production of building designs and accurate implementation of such as a civil engineer, Aurelio Brenz Gonzales now looks to building the future of San Fernando. This comes as the 26-year-old won his bid to be a member of the sangguniang panlungsod or city council in the 2022 local polls, ranking first in his first foray into politics. “Sa mga Fernandino, I promise to do good. Talagang magtatrabaho ako at hindi ko sasayangin ‘yung 82,006 na mga botong ibinigay ninyo sa akin. And nagpapasalamat ako sa inyo sa tiwala na binigay ninyo sa akin, at syempre sa aking buong pamilya (To the Fernandinos, I promise to do good. I will work hard and I will not waste the 82,006 votes that you gave me. I am also grateful for your trust in me and my entire family),” Gonzales declares. ON HIS OWN TERMS The neophyte councilor is one of three members of the Gonzales political family who won local posts in the province. His father, Aurelio, was elected for a third and final term as Pampanga 3rd District representative, and his sister, Mica, entered the political scene for the first time as a provincial board member for the same legislative district. Though he inherited the desire to become a public servant from his father, Gonzales says his decision to run was his own. “Hindi ako pinilit ng father ko (My father didn’t coerce me [into joining politics]). I was not forced, but I can say that I was inspired by him because ever since I was a child, my dad was already involved in politics. He became a board member in 2004. And then, 2007, he was elected congressman,” says Gonzales. In his quest to serve, the civil engineer in him knows fully well the importance of building a solid foundation not anchored merely on his name, but on experience. “If you look at it, being a councilor is one of the lowest positions in the local government [structure]. So, for me, councilor muna para mas matutunan ko ‘yung process kung paano [maging mahusay na lingkodbayan] (I ran for councilor first so that I could learn [how to be an effective public servant]),” Brenz explains. Similarly, just as he was set to take over their family’s construction business after passing the Civil Engineer Licensure Examination in 2018 with a grade average of 84, he first gained on-the-ground experience as a site engineer for Megaworld Corporation’s luxury condominium project, Uptown Parksuites, in Taguig City. Afterward, he assumed the position of president and chief executive officer (CEO) of A.D. Gonzales Jr. Construction and Trading Co. Inc., which was built by his father. When Gonzales expressed his interest in running for city councilor in the 2019 elections, his father advised him to acquire exposure to government work first in order to get his feet wet. “Kinausap ako ng father ko, at sabi niya, ‘Brenz, kuha ka muna ng experience sa government para magka-idea ka kung paano ba ‘yung pagpapatakbo (My father talked to me, ‘Brenz, you should get some government experience first so that you’ll have an idea on how to run things),’” recalls Brenz, who then worked for his father as a political affairs officer at the House of Representatives from 2019 to 2021. “[Every congressman has] a chief of staff, and a sort of second chief of staff. [I was my father’s second chief of staff.] I was the one handling the meetings. Whenever he was away, I would attend committee hearings [on his behalf]. I would inspect and attend the launch of my father’s projects. I would talk to barangay officials,” explains the De La Salle University (DLSU) alumnus. “I gained plenty of experience managing people, talking to the public and barangay officials, and talking to agency heads. I [also] learned about public relations,” he adds. He also notes how his familiarity with legislation has significantly equipped him in fulfilling his responsibilities as a city councilor, which include enacting ordinances and approving resolutions for an effective city government. PUTTING YOUTHFUL ZEAL TO GOOD USE In the same manner, his emergence as topnotcher in the race for city council seats did not come as a matter of course. Seeing that he placed last in the first few surveys, he took to heart his father’s advice: “Kailangan mong magsipag [para pumasok ka sa top 12]. Kailangan mong magpakilala (You need to work harder [to break into the top 12]. You need to introduce yourself to people).” “So, as a newbie, as a neophyte, talagang nagpakitang-gilas ako (I had to show the people what I’ve got),” Gonzales shares, recalling how his father helped him and his sister visit all 35 barangays in the City of San Fernando to conduct meetings and hold caucuses. “In a span of three weeks, we were able to finish all barangay visits. We introduced ourselves, our background, and why we want to run. This was before the filing of [certificates of] candidacy. Gonzales saw his hard work pay off, as his ranking gradually rose from the bottom to the top five. Asked about what worked to his advantage, Gonzales, who was the youngest among the candidates for city councilor, says that it was likely his youth: “In the 45 days that I went around the town to campaign, lagi nilang sinasabi gusto nila bago naman, bata naman. Kasi ‘pag bata ka, mas agresibo sa buhay, tapos mas magilas, at syempre mas (they would always say that they want something new, someone young. Because if you’re young, you are more aggressive, more agile, and of course, more) innovative.” “I always say when people ask me why people prefer young politicians: It’s because we age every day, right? The world is evolving. There are so many new innovations, even the government uses new technology. Perhaps this is our way [to keep up with the times]—by trying young public servants.” The young councilor intends to showcase his fiery zeal and the zest of youth in his plans to help improve the Fernandinos’ access to healthcare services—the advocacy he says is closest to his heart—such as providing free medical checkups for senior citizens and persons with disability (PWDs); offering medical financial assistance to indigent residents; conducting monthly medical missions, something he has been actively taking part in even before the elections; and with the help of new City of San Fernando Mayor Vilma Caluag, setting up a free dialysis program in the city to address the increasing number of patients needing treatment for kidney failure. “We increase the [ability] of our constituents if we give them free checkups, free dental [care], free medications, free dialysis. Magagamit nila ‘yung pera nila sa ibang mga bagay na necessary to live life—pagkain, tubig, pambayad ng kuryente—imbis na pambibili pa ng gamot (They’ll be able to use their money for other things that are necessary to live life—food, water, payment for electricity— instead of using the money to buy medicine),” Gonzales emphasizes. A civil engineer by training, Gonzales believes that infrastructure should serve the needs of the people. His priorities include adding roads and rehabilitating existing ones to reduce traffic congestion and facilitate the flow of goods and services. He also intends, along with the mayor, to improve the drainage system and reduce flooding in the city. Additionally, he also wants to build infrastructure that will improve access to basic services for his constituents. He will file a resolution—in fulfillment of a campaign promise—establishing an annex campus of the Don Honorio Ventura State University (DHVSU) in San Fernando. He wants this campus to be located in the northern part of the city, where indigent residents are underserved by the existing city college, located in the southern part, due to difficulties in commuting. Believing that every Filipino deserves a decent home, Gonzales intends to file a resolution to rehabilitate Northville, a community of 11,000 beneficiaries of the National Housing Authority (NHA). He plans to work with the mayor and NHA to help improve the settlement, which has become cramped due to the number of people in the area. Finally, he wants his constituents to be able to talk to their representatives in the city council under better conditions. To resolve overcrowding at city hall, he plans to propose the construction of a legislative building to house the city’s councilors and the city council session hall, sparing both officials and constituents from the cramped confines under which they work presently. Beyond building schools, he also wants students to be able to study in those schools even when administrations change. To this end, he wants to institutionalize the city’s scholarship program, ensuring scholars retain their privileges for so long as they are qualified, even if there is a change in the political winds and a new administration is brought to power. “Para ‘yung mga bata, meron silang peace of mind during the campaign na hindi porke’t eleksyon, baka maalis na ‘yung scholarship program. Dapat hindi natin dinadamay ‘yung mga bata sa pulitika (So that the children will have peace of mind and not worry about losing their scholarship after the elections. We should insulate children from politics),” Gonzales explains. The neophyte city councilor admits he has yet to learn how to balance his responsibilities as a politician and a contractor, while at the same time, allowing himself to enjoy his personal and family time. “Sometimes I focus on politics too much. Sometimes my business is relegated to the sidelines. But in time, I would be able to juggle and balance everything. And of course, I also need to give myself some time to rest and to enjoy,” he shares. READY TO NAVIGATE THE LONG ROAD AHEAD Even with the challenges, Gonzales does not fall short on motivation. He draws inspiration from his father, who has guided him consistently en route to his first taste of public service, and his late mother Elizabeth, who was among the casualties in the Resorts World Manila attack in 2017, where a lone gunman set the casino tables—and later on, himself—on fire. Turning sentimental, Gonzales recalls how he struggled to finish his studies five years ago after his mother died of suffocation. “Growing up, I was close to my mother. That’s why I get emotional telling the story. Then, after 2017, talagang mahirap (it was really difficult). She died in 2017 when I was still in school. And then, there’s the thesis and board exams. Then, instead of mourning the whole day, I told myself that I would just use her memory as inspiration so that she’ll be proud of me,” he says, adding: “You don’t move on eh. You never forget what happened [to you]; you just use it to be better. I just always think that maybe she’s very proud of me now with all that I have achieved.” The young councilor wants to establish his mark in public service, which he describes as a “sincere type of leadership” for the Fernandinos. He makes it a point to make his constituents feel his genuineness in the activities he takes part in, from extending financial assistance to visiting bereaved families, instead of merely politicking. “I don’t go there just for exposure… It’s a little cliché, but I really want them to feel my sincerity and passion. I want them to feel the love of Councilor Brenz Gonzales,” he says, adding how he would keep this in mind when preparing his speeches. With the long political road ahead of him, the young public official does not discount the possibility of aiming for higher office in the future. However, he insists that such is far from his mind at the moment, as he is focusing on fulfilling the promises he made to the Fernandinos. “Sa aking three years na mandate, bibigyan ko sila ng tapat, ‘yung tunay at sincere brand of leadership, ‘yung tama at wastong pagpapatakbo sa gobyerno (In the three years mandated to me, I will give them a true and sincere brand of leadership, an honest and rightful governance),” he vows. For now, the engineer will keep laying the groundwork to be the “best public servant” he can be—that which he did not simply inherit, but earned. “I want to be successful in life. I want to be the best public servant [I could be], someone deserving [of the position],” he declares. “I know that the time will come when I’ll be able to prove my worth.” “I always say when people ask me why people prefer young politicians: It’s because we age ever y day, right? The world is evolving. There are so many new innovations, even the government uses new technology. Perhaps this is our way [to k eep up with the times]—by trying young public servants.” Buy magazine here

6f66a139-1be0-4555-9ef9-cd6a28753a4b <Back GOV. REBECCA ‘NINI’ YNARES The culture of excellence prevails over the province of Rizal, three-time winner of the National Competitiveness Council’s Most Competitive Province Award BY GAY ACE DOMINGO PHOTOGRAPHY BY RICKY LADIA For the third year in a row, the province of Rizal has won the Most Competitive Province award given by the National Competitiveness Council (NCC), a government body that aims to push the country’s Global Competitiveness Index ranking. The award was given at the 6th Regional Competitiveness Summit held at the Philippine International Convention Center last August 2018. Developed by Spanish-American economist Xavier Sala-i-Martin and Spanish economist Elsa V. Artadi, the Global Competitiveness Index measures a country’s ability to provide high levels of prosperity to its citizens. Following the standards set by the Global Competitive Index, the NCC evaluates the competitiveness of local government units based on four points: Economic Dynamism, Government Efficiency, Infrastructure, and Resiliency. NCC’s assessment of LGUs is an indicator for government officials and potential investors. For public executives, it shows whether or not services are being delivered to constituents and points to specific areas of improvement; for the private sector, it is a guide for determining where they could set up new businesses. STRICT CRITERIA Vying for NCC’s nod is tough and tedious. Data submitted by municipalities and cities are verified by the Philippine Statistics Authority. “It’s like going through the eye of a needle. The criteria are very strict,” says Milagros “Mitos” Diestro- Trias, provincial planning and development officer of Rizal. She elaborates, “For instance, NCC checks if the growth of revenue is on an upward trend. The facts must be backed up by the Department of Interior and Local Government Finance Department. Whatever data is submitted must tally with official records. LGUs cannot invent or make up the information.” Rizal got the Most Competitive Province of 2018 title since three of its municipalities did well in their respective categories; Taytay and Cainta ranked first and second respectively in the Most Competitive Municipality, while Antipolo came out fourth among the Most Competitive Component Cities in the Philippines. In a statement released to media after the 6th Regional Competitive Summit, Rizal Governor Rebecca “Nini” Ynares said that the award affirms the hard work and cooperation of leaders and citizens. She declared, “It reflects the provincial government’s effort in promoting social progress and better standards of life for the people. This recognition will also provide a more enabling business environment that will make Rizal the preferred place to do business in the country and will all the more inspire us to do our best for our people.” Click here to read full article for free

< Back "46TH ASEAN SUMMIT " BY TREISHA C. ROVERO President Ferdinand R. Marcos Jr. reaffirmed the Philippines’ sovereignty and called for stronger regional cooperation during the 46th ASEAN Summit held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, from May 26 to 27, 2025. In his key statements, Marcos underscored the importance of upholding international law in the West Philippine Sea, urging fellow ASEAN leaders to maintain a rules-based order and avoid actions that could escalate tensions in the region. Beyond security, the President pushed for deeper economic collaboration. He supported the creation of an ASEAN Geoeconomics Task Force to address global trade disruptions, particularly the effects of unilateral tariffs. He also advocated for updates to regional trade agreements to ensure continued growth and stability.